Edmund Fung’s exploration of the politics of conservatism within Republican China certainly raises an interesting set of arguments surrounding the links that existed between nationalism and modernity during the period. In his work, The Intellectual Foundations of Chinese Modernity: Cultural and Political Thought in the Republican Era, Fung makes a clear point of stressing the way in which conservatism itself was committed to the cause of modernity, but also that advocates were wary that a continuity of national spirit ad prestige should be upheld at the same time. The cultural and political nexus in Chinese conservatism in the context of a landscape of modernity is one that Fung himself describes as hard to get to grips with, but appears generally assured of his argument that Chinese conservatives, in their pursuit of modernity and economic reform, were acting explicitly in the interests of the nation, but not necessarily those of the state (p.98).
This distinction between nation and state is one that Fung looks to reinforce through analysis of several non-Marxist historians in order to reinforce his secondary argument that Marxist theology was no where near as ubiquitous as previously envisaged during the period. Fung first consults the works of John Hutchinson in order to help define his potentially confusing term ‘politico-cultural nationalism’ that encompassed Chinese conservative motives during the Nanjing decade. Fung deduces that cultural conservatives during the period sought a “moral regeneration” of the nation itself and looked to make use of heritage to promote social, political and economic reforms (p.102). It must be clarified however that these Chinese conservatives were in favour of the state and the regime.
Cultural identity and heritage is two of the most crucial themes raised within Fung’s work. Fung examines how the Chinese nation needed to steer itself away from the cultural state of decay that it had devolved into. To achieve this, China was forced to save itself by its own efforts and not be so preoccupied with external influences that may save them. On this point, he brings in the ideas of Liang Shuming, notable of course for his explicit change of opinion with regard to the West and how China should no longer be required to emulate European or American democracy (p.107). Liang proposed a program of rural reconstruction for the Chinese nation to continue on its path towards modernity and cultural rejuvenation.1
This would in turn allow democracy to flourish. The main takeaway from Fung’s interpretation of Liang is that he was not entirely anti-Western; he did recognise several promising features of western society such as individual rights and moderate socialism, but ultimately, for China to reestablish itself economically and culturally, the nation should not seek inspiration from abroad.
At the crux of Chinese conservatism during the period were concerns about imperialism, the future of the Chinese nation itself, and the threat of foreign invasion (p.126). A strong consensus for democratic reconstruction existed within the movement in order to stabilise the political realm of the Chinese nation, but also to promote scientific and technological skills in an increasingly modern age. This would help simultaneously to promote a sense of moral self-realisation among the people of their place in the modern world.2
The concept of the nation-state formed a central pillar of modernity within China at the time, and this certainly the basis in Fung’s eyes for mutual interest existing between conservatism and nationalism (p.126). This idea of constructing a nation-state was especially prevalent when connected with the idea of reviving China politically and economically.
Conservatives within Republican China certainly stood in a complex position with regard to the nation-state and the pre-existing regime. In which direction China should proceed given its current ongoing cultural and economic crisis was a hot topic of debate. As discussed, some held reservations about the western liberal style and preferred the idea of a more imposing type of leadership. Reform was indeed in the best interests of conservatives, and as Fung neatly summarises in his work, Conservatism in China “represented a morally innovative path to modernity” (p.127).