{"id":908,"date":"2021-10-16T19:37:49","date_gmt":"2021-10-16T19:37:49","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/?p=908"},"modified":"2021-10-16T19:37:49","modified_gmt":"2021-10-16T19:37:49","slug":"mens-perverted-use-of-womens-liberation","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/2021\/10\/mens-perverted-use-of-womens-liberation\/","title":{"rendered":"Men&#8217;s Perverted Use of Women&#8217;s Liberation"},"content":{"rendered":"<blockquote><p>&#8220;Chinese men worship power and authority. They believe that Europeans, Americans, and the Japanese are civilised nations of the modern world who all grant their women some degree of freedom [&#8230;] by transplanting this system into the lives of their wives and daughters, these men think they will be applauded by the whole world for having joined ranks of civilised nations&#8221; [[1]]<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>He-Yin Zhen in her article\u00a0<em>On the Question of Women&#8217;s Liberation (1907), <\/em>provides a profound argument concerning the nature of women&#8217;s liberation which serves to illustrate the perverted use of women&#8217;s issues by men. He-Yin maintains that the promotion of the feminist cause and women&#8217;s liberation is only made in &#8216;men&#8217;s pursuit of self-distinction&#8217;, and thus questions whether such liberation is truly beneficial for women, or only perpetuates the existing unequal relationship between men and women.<\/p>\n<p>Such &#8216;pursuit of self-distinction&#8217; was visible not only among the intellectual spheres of China but also Korea, and is evidenced clearly within the Tonghak\/Ch&#8217;ondogyo movement.\u00a0 Carl Young in <em>Eastern Learning and the Heavenly Way\u00a0<\/em>(2014) unveils this in his brief discussion of the role and status of women within the movement. The religion promoted the education of women as important &#8216;for the evolution of Korean society&#8217;, and one editorial even advocated the notion of equality of authority and rights between men and women. [[2]] Yet another editorial reveals that the movement&#8217;s motivation in promoting women&#8217;s education was rather a response to the idea of the need for Korea to &#8216;catch up&#8217;, in a comparison between its own female populations&#8217; ignorance and those women in &#8216;civilised countries&#8217; (Japan in particular) who had access to civilised education for decades, and whose social status did not differ much from men&#8217;s. [[3]]<\/p>\n<p>Here we witness women&#8217;s issues being manipulated, acting as a supplement to its leaders commitment to their social and national agenda: the social enlightenment of the Korean nation. Their social and national agenda not withstanding the influence of the western intellectual discourse however, in their pursuit to &#8216;join ranks of civilised nations&#8217;. Japanese intellectual discourse enjoyed considerable influence upon the aims, organisation, and doctrine of the movement, both via Son Pyong-hui&#8217;s interaction with Japanese reform-minded individuals between 1901-1904, and the movement&#8217;s involvement with the Japanese state sponsored Ilchinhoe.<\/p>\n<p>It is therefore not surprising to witness the promotion of women&#8217;s liberation within the movement, and the Tonghak\/Ch&#8217;ondogyo movement itself serves to clearly illustrate the impacts of imperialism upon the intellectual sphere in the east, and its implications in gender relations and ideas on women&#8217;s liberation.\u00a0 The feminist cause was arguably promoted for the self-interest of men, to distinguish themselves as progressive, enlightened men championing women&#8217;s liberation in a project of enlightenment and national self-strengthening; perhaps in the face of &#8216;civilised&#8217; nations and influenced by popular ideas of Social Darwinism.<\/p>\n<p>Women&#8217;s liberation as He-Yin suggests was presented as a double edged sword. There came the visibility of women&#8217;s issues and rights, primarily concerning education, and provided foundations for later activism. Yet such rights came from men who sought to promote women&#8217;s liberation in order to promote their own status as enlightened men in the modern world, and therefore can be questioned as truly meaningful representations of well-intentioned progress. Did men&#8217;s views of women as their private property, or their relations in reality shift? Or did women&#8217;s liberation only strengthen the existing power imbalance and subordination of women to men, for they would not have such rights to freedom without them. He-Yin&#8217;s questioning of the nature of women&#8217;s liberation was not unfounded, and her concerns highlight the importance of studying feminist history, or the feminist cause within history, as a study of such gender relations rather than simply aiming to uncover the &#8216;voices of women&#8217;.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>[[1]] He-Yin Zhen &#8216;On the Question of Women&#8217;s Liberation&#8217; (1907), in Lydia He Liu, Rebecca E. Karl, Dorothy Ko (ed.) <em>The birth of Chinese feminism: essential texts in transnational theory<\/em> (New York, 2013), p. 60.<\/p>\n<p>[[2]] Carl Young, <em>Eastern Learning and the Heavenly Way: the Tonghak and Ch&#8217;ondogyo movements and the twilight of Korean independence <\/em>(Honolulu, 2014), p. 169.<\/p>\n<p>[[3]]\u00a0<em>ibid<\/em>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>&#8220;Chinese men worship power and authority. They believe that Europeans, Americans, and the Japanese are civilised nations of the modern world who all grant their women some degree of freedom [&#8230;] by transplanting this system into the lives of their wives and daughters, these men think they will be applauded by the whole world for &hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/2021\/10\/mens-perverted-use-of-womens-liberation\/\" class=\"more-link\">Continue reading<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> &#8220;Men&#8217;s Perverted Use of Women&#8217;s Liberation&#8221;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":32,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[137,15,12,63],"class_list":["post-908","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-chondogyo","tag-feminism","tag-he-yin-zhen","tag-tonghak"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/908","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/32"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=908"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/908\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":916,"href":"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/908\/revisions\/916"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=908"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=908"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/transnationalhistory.net\/world\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=908"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}